The Pakistan Army, which never ceases to wax eloquent about its phenomenal ability to effectively deal with the “entire spectrum of threats,” currently seems to be reeling under the onslaught of what it claims is the menace of fake news. While there may well be some substance in these allegations, but then, can the old ‘there’s no smoke without a fire’ adage be simply wished away just because Rawalpindi says so?

It goes to the credit of the Pakistan Army that despite serious professional failings and its involvement in politics [admitted by none other than former Pakistan Army chief Gen Qamar Javed Bajwa himself], Rawalpindi has nevertheless still been able to preserve its holy cow image. This it has done by projecting the Pakistan Army as the sole guarantor and bulwark of Pakistan’s sovereignty and territorial integrity against what it alleges is India’s hegemonistic ambitions.

That Rawalpindi has been able to achieve this despite failing to annex J&K twice, dismemberment of Pakistan during the 1971 Indo-Pak War, abandoning its dead soldiers and shamefully retreating during the Kargil conflict of 1999, is indeed a stellar achievement. It has also successfully portrayed itself as the most reliable trouble-shooter in a country plagued by what it openly says is a thoroughly incompetent legislature-remember former Pakistan President and Army chief Gen Pervez Musharraf’s famous “Military rule has always brought the country back on track, whereas civilian governments have always derailed it” remark?

However, like all perishable commodities, illusions too have a shelf life, and so it was but natural that the time and events would tear apart Rawalpindi’s holier-than-thou veneer. Things came to a head when Dawn reported in 2016 that “In a blunt, orchestrated and unprecedented warning, the civilian government has informed the military leadership of a growing international isolation of Pakistan and sought consensus on several key actions by the state.” Despite being put under pressure, this newspaper showed spine by refusing to retract this report.

Rawalpindi’s Fake Rhetoric

On the Army’s insistence, this case [which is commonly referred to as Dawn Leaks], was investigated through a high level inquiry and a directive removing the prime minister’s special assistant on political affairs was issued by the Prime Minister’s Office [PMO]. This should have placated Rawalpindi but instead, Director General [DG] of the Pakistan Army’s media wing Inter Services Public Relations [ISPR] issued a terse statement that read “Notification on Dawn Leak is incomplete and not in line with recommendations by the Inquiry Board. Notification is rejected.”

The uncouth tone and tenor of this statement mocking the PMO expectedly created strong anti-Army sentiments and even though this tweet was subsequently withdrawn, social media was flooded with adverse comments against Pakistan’s military. In May 2017, Voice of America reported a crackdown on social media activists by the cyber crime wing of the Federal Investigation Agency and quoted Pakistan’s then Interior Minister Nisar Ali Khan warning the public that “Ridiculing [the] Pakistan Army or its officers on social media in the name of freedom of speech is unacceptable” and “a serious offense.”

A year later, while addressing media persons, DGISPR expressed concern on the rapidly increasing trend of adverse comments against the Army. Advising the people to demonstrate “responsibility,” DGISPR issued a veiled public threat saying, “We have the capability to monitor social media as to who is doing what.” However, its attempt to intimidate the people didn’t succeed. Rather than dispassionately introspecting on why anti-Army sentiments in the country were increasing and how its own highhandedness was accelerating the same, Rawalpindi conveniently apportioned the blame on “hostile agencies.”

Instead of initiating remedial measures, Rawalpindi manipulated the Imran Khan led government to criminalise ridiculing of the armed forces and its members by amending the Pakistan Penal Code [PPC] by inserting Section 500A. This section states that “anyone who intentionally ridicules, defames, or brings into disrespect the armed forces or any of their members is guilty of an offense,” that can invite a five years prison sentence, a fine of upto Rs one million or both. Since what exactly constitutes ridicule and defamation of the armed forces or its members hasn’t been defined, this section becomes a handy tool to target anyone who annoys the Army for any reason.

Since section 500A of PPC brazenly violates fundamental right of expression guaranteed by the Constitution of Pakistan, it has predictably led to alienation of the masses. The irony is that while Rawalpindi is extremely sensitive when it comes to any criticism, even if it is constructive in nature, it has no qualms whatsoever in using social media to demonise former Prime Minister Imran Khan and the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf [PTI] especially after the May 9, 2023 protests that saw mobs of incensed PTI supporters targeting military facilities.

Censorship Charade

Pakistan Army claims that the May 9, 2023 protest was “externally sponsored and internally facilitated and orchestrated propaganda warfare… created to achieve political interests.” However, seeing the swiftly emerging chain of events on that day which culminated in this protest, it’s apparent that this incident was more the release of pent-up public emotions amongst PTI supporters accentuated by the Rawalpindi orchestrated removal of Prime Minister Imran Khan through a no confidence vote that were triggered when Rangers abducted him from court premises, rather than some deep-rooted conspiracy hatched in some foreign country.

For an Army that incessantly keeps professing its apolitical nature to indulge in petty mudslinging against a particular politician and his party is downright outrageous. Some examples-

•        In July 2024, DGISPR alleged that “A massive illegal, political mafia rose to sabotage the campaign and the first move of that mafia was to make the operation [“Azm-i-Istehkam” or Resolve for Stability] controversial through false and fake arguments.” One doesn’t have to be Sherlock Holmes to deduce that the “political mafia” barb is specifically directed at the PTI chief and his political party. [Emphasis added].

•        Two months later, while once again announcing [for the umpteenth time] that “The Army neither opposes nor favours any political party,” DG ISPR betrayed Rawalpindi’s animosity towards the PTI chief by saying, “… according to military law, if any person [read- Imran Khan] uses individuals under the Army Act [read-Pakistan Army’s former spymaster Lt Gen Faiz Hameed] for their personal objectives, the law will take its own course.” With Rawalpindi having concluded that the cricketer-turned-politician was in cahoots with retired Lt Gen Hameed even before the latter’s Field General Court Martial concluded DGISPR’s claim of the Pakistan Army being apolitical sounds like a joke.  

•        During a media interaction in December last year, when asked about the rumoured backdoor discussion between the Army and PTI, DGISPR took the high moral ground by saying that “We respect all political parties and their leadership,” but thereafter unwittingly revealed Rawalpindi’s intense hatred for the PTI chief by adding, “However, no individual, his politics, or his desire for power is above Pakistan.” Does it befit a respected organisation like the Army to stoop so low as to cast aspersions on a former prime minister’s patriotism?

Just the other day, Dawn reported that “Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam-Fazl [JUI-F] chief Maulana Fazlur Rehman on Saturday accused the country’s establishment [moniker used for the all-pervasive Pakistan Army] of clinging to authority despite widespread criticism from all sectors of society, alleging that “it remains indifferent to what is right or wrong” and that “its sole concern is maintaining power.” [Emphasis added]. Will Rawalpindi take a serious note of this incisive observation made by a seasoned Pakistani politician, or will it yet once again camouflage its own monumental failings by branding the JUI-F chief’s remarks as part of “externally sponsored and internally facilitated and orchestrated propaganda warfare”?

Most importantly, with six senior judges of Islamabad High Court accusing Pakistan Army’s spy agency Inter Services Intelligence [ISI] of intimidating judges “under threat of coercion or blackmail, to engineer judicial outcomes in politically consequential matters,” [Emphasis added], how can Rawalpindi expect the people of Pakistan to still believe that the Pakistan Army is apolitical and the target of “externally sponsored and internally facilitated and orchestrated propaganda warfare”?

Thousands of Pashtun civilians have been forced to flee their homes in Mir Ali, North Waziristan, as Punjabi Pak Army unleashes yet another wave of violence in the Pashtun region. This intensification of an undeclared war has left innocent civilians caught in relentless crossfire, uprooting entire families and compelling them to abandon their homes and livelihoods.

The so-called counterinsurgency efforts have drawn harsh criticism from Pashtun activists and locals, who accuse the Pakistan Army of perpetuating cycles of violence in the name of “security operations.” The current situation echoes the disastrous “Zarb-e-Azb” military operation, which displaced millions under the guise of eliminating terrorism but failed to achieve any peace. Instead, it further destabilized the tribal regions, leaving them vulnerable to militant resurgence and military excesses.

“The Pashtun homeland has become a battleground for the military’s disastrous ‘Project Taliban,’ which keeps our people condemned to perpetual conflict,” said a displaced resident of Mir Ali. The term “Project Taliban” refers to widespread notion that the Pakistan Army has nurtured and protected extremist groups for strategic purposes, a policy that has repeatedly backfired, causing immense suffering for ordinary Pashtuns.

The exodus from Mir Ali highlights that the Pak Army is targeting civilians rather than dismantling the terrorist infrastructure it is complicit in fostering. Entire villages have been left in ruins, with schools, hospitals, and markets destroyed under the pretext of “clearing operations.”

The Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM), a grassroots civil rights movement advocating for Pashtun rights, has repeatedly called out the army’s oppressive tactics in North Waziristan and beyond. From enforced disappearances to extrajudicial killings, the military’s actions have been described as an attempt to silence dissent and maintain control over the Pashtun regions.

The disturbing case of a Pakistani man named Muhammad attempting to assault a 12 year old British Christian girl has once again shone light on the deeply ingrained radical mindset that emanates from Pakistan and has spread to various parts of the world. This individual, who claimed that age “doesn’t matter” because Islam supposedly taught him such views, was thwarted by British patriots before any harm could be done. His justification for his horrific intentions reflects an insidious ideology that dehumanizes women and children, particularly those from non-Muslim backgrounds.

This case is part of a much larger and horrifying global phenomenon—one that has been particularly visible in the UK due to the rise of Pakistani rape gangs targeting vulnerable girls. These grooming gangs have been responsible for the abuse, trafficking, and murder of countless victims, with little to no accountability from law enforcement due to political and institutional failures. The situation has sparked fierce debates across the UK, drawing the attention of high-profile figures like Elon Musk, who has tirelessly highlighted the devastating effects of these gangs on British society.

Elon Musk Calls Out UK Government 

Musk has been a vocal critic of the British government’s failure to address the grooming gang crisis. He recently accused Keir Starmer, the Labour leader and former Director of Public Prosecutions, of turning a blind eye to the widespread abuse during his tenure. Musk pointed out that under Starmer’s leadership at the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS), vulnerable girls were exploited by these gangs without facing any justice, a failure that Musk believes allowed these radical Islamic practices to flourish unchecked.

Furthermore, Musk has openly criticized Jess Phillips, the UK’s Minister for Safeguarding, accusing him of covering up these scandals to protect the political establishment. He went as far as to label her a “rape genocide apologist” for dismissing calls for a public inquiry into the grooming scandals, particularly the notorious cases in Oldham. Musk’s words have ignited an urgent call for action against a systemic cover-up of the abuse faced by thousands of young girls at the hands of these radicalized groups.

The crisis surrounding Pakistani rape gangs is not just an issue in the UK—it’s a global epidemic. This ideology of grooming and exploitation is not confined to British soil but has been spread under the guise of religious justification by radical Islamists. In India, a similar phenomenon has emerged under the banner of “Love Jihad,” where radical elements exploit religious and cultural differences to manipulate and control non-Muslim women, often leading to forced conversions and marriages.

Pakistan’s critical trade route with China, the Karakoram Highway, has remained blocked for five consecutive days as massive protests erupt in Hunza, Pakistan-occupied Gilgit-Baltistan (PoGB). Thousands of residents have taken to the streets, braving sub-zero temperatures, to demand an end to prolonged power outages that have left the region in darkness for up to 23 hours a day during the harsh winter.

The protest, which has drawn significant participation from women, political representatives, and local business associations, reflects the growing resentment against Islamabad’s neglect of the region. The demonstrators have vowed to continue their sit-in until their demands are addressed, paralyzing trade along the vital route connecting Pakistan and China.

The crisis highlights the exploitative policies of the Pakistan Army and establishment in PoGB, a region treated as a colony rather than an integral part of the country. Despite being home to critical trade routes and serving as a gateway for the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), the residents of PoGB continue to endure abject neglect.

The Pakistan Army, which exercises de facto control over the region, has prioritized its own profits from CPEC while ignoring the basic needs of the local population. The promises of development made under CPEC have turned out to be hollow, as infrastructure projects benefit Chinese and Punjabi Pak Army elites while locals are left with crumbling power systems, environmental degradation, and an eroding quality of life.

Hunza Uprising

Protesters have accused the occupying authorities of failing to provide adequate electricity, even as temperatures plunge to -10°C at night. The reliance on hydropower, which becomes almost non-functional during winter when rivers freeze, has exacerbated the crisis. Residents are forced to rely on expensive thermal generators, further straining household incomes in an already impoverished region.

The sit-in has also brought attention to the environmental damage caused by the increased use of generators, particularly by hotels and commercial entities, which adds to the worsening air quality in the pristine mountainous region.

Local authorities have made feeble attempts to negotiate with the protesters, but they have been unable to provide concrete solutions or restore traffic along the Karakoram Highway. Containers carrying goods between Pakistan and China remain stuck, disrupting trade and exposing the fragility of the so-called “all-weather friendship” between the two countries.

The protests in Hunza erupted barely a month after Pakistan and China announced plans to keep the Khunjerab Pass operational year-round to boost trade connectivity. The announcement, however, has done little to address the grievances of the people in PoGB, who see CPEC as a project designed to exploit their resources while offering no tangible benefits to the local population.

The region’s strategic importance to Pakistan is undeniable, yet its people are treated as second-class citizens. The Pakistan Army, notorious for its colonial mindset, has used PoGB as a revenue-generating outpost, while its residents are left to suffer power shortages, poverty, and environmental degradation.

Pakistan’s descent into radicalism has reached a horrifying new low, as a Christian mother was killed and her daughter critically injured in a brutal attack in Gujranwala on January 6, 2025.

The rise of such heinous crimes stems directly from a Pak Army apparatus that has systematically allowed radical Islamists to wreak havoc on vulnerable communities. Paki establishment has created a nation where the rights of minorities are trampled upon with alarming regularity. By empowering hardline groups and allowing them free rein, the Army has nurtured a culture of extremism that targets Christians, Hindus, Ahmadis, and other minorities with brutal precision.

The systemic failures of law enforcement and the judiciary further amplify the plight of minorities. Police rarely act to protect victims, while legal loopholes and vague religious laws, such as the infamous blasphemy law, are weaponized against them. These tools of oppression serve not only to silence dissent but also to provide cover for the perpetrators of violence. In the case of minority girls, the judicial system often works to retain victims against their will, legitimizing forced conversions and marriages under the pretext of religious freedom.

This legal framework is no accident—it is the product of an establishment that has long relied on radical Islamists as a tool of power. These alliances have turned Pakistan into a hotbed of extremism, destabilizing not just its internal fabric but the entire region. The unchecked violence against minorities is not an aberration but the inevitable outcome of decades of Army-sponsored radicalization.